The Gen Z of Madagascar must learn from history

The Gen Z of Madagascar must learn from history Ntandoyenkosi… Mon, 10/27/2025 - 12:00 AFP | Eden EZRA JOHANNESBURG - The military and political elites in Madagascar have a tendency of hijacking popular protests and diverting them from real Malagasy challenges.This trend started in 1972 when University students were demanding the decolonisation of their university curriculum and followed suit in 2009. The current wave of unled protests by the Gen Z in Madagascar should learn from both the generations of 1972 and 2009 waves, which were hijacked, among others, by the current estranged president, Andry Rajoelina, in cahoots with the military.The rise to power by Rajoelina was at the back of the unled protests by the youth in 2009, although Rajoelina had his own grievances as a Mayor of Antananarivo.This historical development repeats, with Randrianina over taking the unled protests of the Gen Z. This happens for two r the youth is not organised in a political organisation, secondly, politics of Madagascar are based on personalities more than political parties. At least political parties are org have structures, constitutions, ideologies and recruit members and could be tools of accountability. An example of this, could be how former president Hery Rajaonarimampianina formed his own political party shortly before the 2013 elections. This is despite having served as a Minister in the government of Rajoelina and being endorsed by his party as a presidential candidate. Learning from Zimbabwe, Madagascar’s military, particularly the Army Corps of Personnel and Administrative and Technical Services (CAPSAT) has added a complexity to the African Union’s lexicon of Unconstitutional Change of Government.Colonel Michael Randrianirina overtook the protest by the Gen Zs and the parliamentary impeachment process and got himself sworn in as a President. What complicates the categorisation of this development as an unconstitutional change of government, is the role of the High Constitutional Court in mustering the position of Randrianirina.If the court in the Republic of Madagascar endorses the presidency of Randrianirina, on what grounds would the Lome Declaration apply in this case. Basically, the Court legitimised and legalised the presidency of Randrianirina, thus it no longer fits the category of “unconstitutional change of government”.What is left of both SADC and the AU is to observe whether Randrianirina would implement the Court’s ruling for fresh elections in 60 days. They may also put pressure on Randrianirina and question the legitimacy of his presidency. But the Court still holds a supreme position in enforcement of its order. The High Constitutional Court has assumed a supreme position in adjudicating political developments in Madagascar, averting political crisis in the country.This is an important development as an institution that helps in deepening democracy in the society.There are few examples in which the High Constitutional Court averted the possibility of political crisis in the country. Firstly, in May 2015 when Hery Rajaonarimampianina was faced with impeachment in parliament, the court disallowed the process.Secondly, in June 2018, few months before the elections, the Court ruled that the then President Rajaonarimampianina form a consensus government which would prepare the country for the November 2018 elections.Thirdly, the first round of 2018’s elections was marred by controversies with some candidates taking to Court to adjudicate their disputes. The Court ruling confirmed the results as announced by the electoral body CENI.The greatest implication of the coup in Madagascar is that it tests the applicability of the AU’s normative framework on unconstitutional changes of government. I argue that the normative framework has run its course and thus needs to be updated. The Lome Declaration was adopted in the 2000s and has provided the AU with teeth to grind on two phenomena - coups and the change of constitutions by incumbents to continue their stay in power. Although, the AU has not yet managed to rid the continent of coups, its normative framework has made it difficult for putschists to plot and execute coups with impunity. It appears the Gen Z’s were not only calling for the demise of Rajoelina’s administration but they have indicated vehemently their opposition to the appointment of the prime minister Herintsalama Rajaonarivelo. But for the Gen Z to play a much more meaningful role, they will have to not only observe the process of transition but organise themselves into a movement that would act as a pressure group.The Gen Z must seize this moment and ensure that their grievances are resolved. They should not repeat what the youth of 1972 and 2009 did in Madagascar. These two generations, led protests which resulted in regime changes. But they never organised into a political formation or sustained the formation of their movement to observe if the new administration would implement solutions to their grievances. The second important lesson for the Gen Z of Madagascar could be drawn from the Arab Spring. The Arab Spring, like a popcorn, was heated by legitimate socio-economic and political conditions in their respective countries. They succeeded in achieving regime changes but then disappeared from the scene. Although this movement was transnational in terms of the issues of their grievances, they did not make an effort to create the transnational linkages even through multilateral institutions.In the case of Madagascar, the Gen Z must think about how to cultivate linkages with SADC and the AU to ensure implementation and compliance with Lome Declaration and the protocol on Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development (PCRD). The AU has an official to do PCRD work in Madagascar. This should be the immediate contact of the Gen Zs with both the SADC and the AU. Secondly, the Gen Zs must establish linkages with both local and international civil society organisations to participate in the processes of both nation and state building. It is only through organised forms of participation either through the formation of political parties or civil society organisations, that the Gen Z of Madagascar would be able to defend the gains of their protest and champion their interests in a sustainable manner. The Gen Z need to appreciate that they are not going to be youth forever, and thus as they transition into adulthood, their challenges are resolved so that they become an empowered generation of Madagascar that would advance the development of the country. Madagascar is counted among the least developed country, among the 32 least developed countries in the continent.by Dr Frank Lekaba

Read on the original site